Narratives, Numbers, and the Reality of Azad Jammu & Kashmir

Every now and then, Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) finds itself in the center of dramatic international reporting that suggests the region is under a blanket of unrest, humanitarian crisis, and political repression. But these representations tend to be selective and ignore the larger institutional, economic and demographic landscape of the country. When there are competing narratives in conflict-prone areas, as is often the case in such places, responsible journalism demands that extraordinary claims be backed by independently verifiable evidence, not activist rhetoric or unverifiable social media posting.

The government of AJK is based on the Interim Constitution Act, 1974, which features an elected Legislative Assembly, Prime Minister, President, independent judiciary (High Court and Supreme Court) and local administrative institutions. There have been several elections, including national and regional elections, where several political parties participated, thus developing a constitutional process for political competition. Like many democratic societies, public protests, opposition to the policies of government, and political organisation are an integral part of the civic life of the region and need not be interpreted as a failure of institutions or as a rejection of constitutional government.

The difference between localized disruptions and claims of humanitarian crises is also key. Providing the needed food, medicines and basic supplies are reported to be in short supply throughout the region, and international humanitarian organizations will determine that. There are institutions and organisations that are monitoring humanitarian crises regularly across the globe, such as the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, World Food Programme and the International Committee of the Red Cross. None of them has to date declared the catastrophe in Azad Kashmir as a humanitarian crisis like the ones recognised internationally. But it does not imply that isolated incidents of their kind cannot occur locally as a result of a protest or administrative measure(s) but rather it indicates the importance in demonstrating the difference between an isolated incident and a proven human tragedy.

The use of social media as a primary source of information has made reporting from politically sensitive areas even more difficult. While viral videos and public speeches might depict real events, professional journalistic practice demands that they be checked for date, place, authenticity and context before making broader political inferences. The experts in open-source intelligence have always warned against using a single piece of footage or a carefully edited clip as a representative sample of public opinion. Social media posts should be considered a single piece of evidence, not definitive evidence, without corroboration via geolocation, metadata analysis, independent eyewitness accounts or multiple credible sources.

It is also crucial to consider the demographic context when evaluating any statements about the extent of public mobilization. The official estimate of the population of AJK is over 4.5 million. Several thousand participants in demonstrations constitute only a part of the total population. Political organizations do not publish the numbers of people attending demonstrations, but rather make estimates of the number of people that will attend. Independent verification using several sources is thus essential for responsible reporting before any protest can be described as representative of the general population.

Issues of law enforcement should also be explored. In democratic states, such as the United Kingdom, the United States, France, and India, police forces have come to use surveillance drones for crowd control, traffic management, and public safety during public events. The use of surveillance is not, in itself, excessive use of force or a violation of human rights. Rather than being judged by judicial rulings, legal precedents, documented evidence and independent investigation, any allegation of wrongdoing must be assessed against these factors.

The ongoing electoral processes further demonstrate the functioning of constitutional institutions in AJK. Under the legal framework of the region, elections have been conducted regularly, allowing political parties to participate in elections and to represent the public. Individual groups’ calls to boycott elections are not uncommon in democratic systems around the world, and should not necessarily be taken as evidence of institutional illegitimacy. Political slogans or campaign rhetoric are less reliable measures of democratic engagement than voter participation, electoral administration and independent observation.

Everywhere human rights concerns are raised, they must be treated seriously and objectively. Organizations that track civil liberties are vital to reporting on alleged limitations on freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and due process. But the complaints about particular administrative or legal measures should not be taken as proof of more general political statements on humanitarian failures, mass repression, or popular opinion. Strong assessments must be supported by evidence from a variety of independent sources, judicial documents, official responses and clear investigations.

A fair estimate of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, in other words, must recognize the socioeconomic grievances and the constitutional mechanism of the region which is already working. Many societies experience economic problems, public demonstrations, and political differences, and these should not be overlooked or exaggerated. Similarly, claims of humanitarian crisis, state repression or popular uprising must be backed up with careful, independent evidence. With the world today being a society of competing narratives, factual accuracy, proportionality and evidence-based reporting provide the most credible bases of understanding the developments in Azad Jammu and Kashmir.