A New Era for the Middle East: Iran Supports the Pakistan- Saudi Arabia Security Pact
When Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian rose to address the United Nations General Assembly on 24 September 2025, the atmosphere was heavy with the memory of war. Just three months earlier, Israel...
When Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian rose to address the United Nations General Assembly on 24 September 2025, the atmosphere was heavy with the memory of war. Just three months earlier, Israel and Iran had fought a direct twelve-day conflict that shook the Middle East to its core before a ceasefire was reached on 24 June 25 with American and Qatari mediation. In his speech, Pezeshkian did not strike the tone of defiance the world had come to expect from Iranian leaders. Instead, he welcomed the Saudi-Pakistan Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement (SMDA), signed on 17 September 25 in Riyadh, and hailed it as the beginning of a comprehensive security system among Muslim nations of West Asia. This gesture of support deserves serious attention. It reveals both Iran’s strategic recalibration after the war and the possibility of a new security logic emerging in a region long defined by rivalries and interventions.
The war in June 2025 demonstrated in brutal clarity what unrestrained escalation means. Israel’s “Operation Rising Lion” hammered Iranian nuclear and military sites with airstrikes, cyberattacks, and covert sabotage. Iran struck back with waves of drones and ballistic missiles that landed deep inside Israel, damaging critical infrastructure and killing civilians. Neither side could claim victory. Both were bloodied, and the region was thrown into chaos. Oil prices spiked, shipping through the Strait of Hormuz was threatened, and Middle Eastern economies from Dubai to Muscat trembled. For Iran, still under suffocating sanctions and facing near-zero economic growth, the lesson was undeniable: another war of this scale could push the country to the brink of collapse. For the Muslim world more broadly, it showed how one state’s militarism, in this case Israel’s unrelenting aggression, can destabilize everyone.
This is the backdrop against which Pezeshkian’s welcome of the SMDA must be read. Iran did not view the Saudi-Pakistan pact as a hostile alignment. Instead, it recognized in it the seeds of a collective defense architecture that could protect all Muslim nations from external aggression. The SMDA commits Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to treat an attack on one as an attack on both. By endorsing it, Iran was signaling openness to a wider framework that places cooperation above confrontation. This is not simply rhetoric. It builds on the 2023 détente with Riyadh, mediated by China, which reopened trade and pilgrim flows and has survived three turbulent years. For Iran, cooperation with Saudi Arabia is no longer a matter of prestige; it is an economic and strategic necessity.
Israel’s posture, by contrast, has become a liability not only to Iran but to the entire Middle East. Its unilateral strikes on Iranian facilities risked dragging the region into a wider conflagration, endangering global energy markets that depend on the uninterrupted flow of oil and LNG through the Strait of Hormuz. Roughly 20 million barrels of oil—about a fifth of the world’s supply—pass through that chokepoint daily. Every missile launched, every drone intercepted, raises the specter of a global economic shock. Yet Israel, emboldened by years of impunity, has acted as though it can escalate at will. In June it miscalculated. The war exposed Israel’s vulnerability, its inability to fight a sustained regional conflict without external lifelines, and its recklessness in gambling with the stability of Muslim neighbors who never sought war.
Iran’s endorsement of the SMDA thus represents a pivot toward pragmatism. It is a recognition that deterrence cannot be built on isolation, and that Muslim states must construct their own security architecture rather than outsourcing it to outside patrons who have historically exploited the region. For Saudi Arabia, the pact diversifies its defense posture and reduces dependence on Washington. For Pakistan, it reaffirms its strategic relevance and leverages its large standing army. For Iran, aligning rhetorically with the SMDA offers a way to embed its security in a broader Muslim consensus. The academic term for this is “club security”: states pool defense as a shared good, raising the costs of aggression and lowering the risks of being targeted alone.
The broader significance is what this pact and Iran’s welcome might mean for the Muslim world. For too long, West Asia has been fractured by sectarian divisions, proxy wars, and external interventions. The SMDA, backed by Riyadh and Islamabad and acknowledged by Tehran, offers a template for transcending those divisions. Imagine a security architecture where intelligence is shared, joint exercises become routine, and attacks on one Muslim state are deterred by the credible threat of a collective response. Such a framework would not only shield the region from Israel’s adventurism but also provide the stability needed for economic growth and social development. Trade, infrastructure projects, and cultural exchanges flourish when nations are not consumed by fear of war.
Skeptics will rightly point out the obstacles. Pakistan’s economic fragility raises doubts about its ability to sustain new commitments. India has already expressed discomfort, warning Riyadh to mind regional “sensitivities.” External powers may view any independent Muslim defense bloc with suspicion. Yet the calculus after June 2025 is different. The war proved that fragmented deterrence is not enough. The only way to prevent another devastating conflict is to build collective strength.
That is why Iran’s endorsement matters. It signals that even a state long cast as an outlier is willing to embrace cooperation when the alternative is national ruin. It reframes the SMDA not as an exclusive bilateral deal but as the seed of a regional order rooted in Muslim solidarity. And it reminds the world that the real destabilizer is not Iran seeking to defend itself, but Israel’s militarism and the chaos it invites. If the Muslim nations of West Asia can build on the SMDA and expand it into a wider framework, they will have taken the first genuine step toward freeing the region from the cycle of conflict and dependency. Stability is not only possible; it is essential. Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan have just shown that the path forward lies in unity, not division.


