By Nimra Khalil: Balochistan’s history has been shaped by the dominance of its feudal leadership, where Sardars have held power for decades while ensuring that real development never reaches the people. The province, despite being rich in natural resources and receiving substantial federal allocations, remains one of the most underdeveloped regions in Pakistan. While the Sardars have continuously blamed the federal government and the establishment for this state of affairs, the reality is that they have controlled the province’s political landscape and governance, mismanaging funds and stalling progress to maintain their tribal control.

From the early days of Balochistan’s political representation in 1972, the Sardars secured their positions in governance but worked primarily to safeguard their personal and tribal interests rather than investing in public welfare. Over the years, nationalist and feudal leaders alike held positions of power but did little to establish sustainable institutions for education, health, and infrastructure. The federal government consistently allocated funds for development, yet the province’s condition remained stagnant due to the deliberate efforts of those in power to keep Balochistan underdeveloped. Budget allocations were squandered on ghost projects, funds meant for public services were embezzled, and any attempts at reform were obstructed by the very leaders who claimed to represent the Baloch people.

The same trend continued after the return of democracy in 1988, where successive governments, largely led by Sardars, maintained the status quo. They ensured that their tribal influence remained intact while engaging in corrupt practices that drained the province’s resources. During the 1990s, federal allocations to Balochistan increased gradually, but the funds disappeared into private pockets while essential services deteriorated. Roads remained incomplete, schools lacked teachers, and hospitals were left without equipment, all while the ruling class accumulated wealth through political deals and financial mismanagement. The pattern was clear—whenever development funds were provided, they were either misused or diverted, with the ruling Sardars and their allies benefiting while the people of Balochistan continued to struggle.

By the time General Pervez Musharraf took power in 1999, Balochistan was already in deep economic despair due to years of misadministration by its own leaders. His administration introduced several large-scale infrastructure projects, including the Gwadar Port and the Coastal Highway, with the vision of integrating Balochistan into the national economic framework. However, instead of welcoming these initiatives, many Sardars opposed them, fearing that economic development would weaken their grip over the people. They continued to manipulate public sentiment against these projects while simultaneously benefiting from government contracts and land acquisitions tied to them. When Musharraf allocated billions for Balochistan’s development, much of it was wasted due to provincial-level corruption, with local leaders ensuring that the benefits remained concentrated within their circles.

After 2008, with the return of civilian governance, Balochistan witnessed an increase in federal allocations under the 7th NFC Award, making it the recipient of significant resources compared to previous decades. The Raisani-led government received over Rs.16 billion in 2008-09, which increased to Rs.22 billion by 2012-13. Despite these record-high allocations, the living standards of the people remained unchanged. Corruption reached unprecedented levels, with reports indicating that half of the development funds were either stolen or misappropriated. The province remained plagued by ghost schools, missing hospitals, and incomplete road networks. Instead of investing in education, health, and economic infrastructure, those in power engaged in political patronage, awarding contracts to allies and using development funds for personal luxuries. While the Sardars in government blamed Islamabad for Balochistan’s backwardness, they themselves were the primary beneficiaries of misused resources.

A closer examination of the financial allocations received by Balochistan and the extent of corruption that followed reveals how resources meant for public welfare were deliberately wasted:

The figures show a disturbing trend—while Balochistan continued to receive a growing share of the national budget, these funds were systematically looted by those in power. From 2008 onwards, the province experienced an increase in federal support, yet corruption and mismanagement ensured that little of it reached the people.

The 2013 elections brought hopes of change with the appointment of Dr. Abdul Malik Baloch, a non-Sardar, as chief minister. However, his tenure was short-lived, as power soon shifted back to Nawab Sanaullah Zehri in 2015, who reinstated the feudal political structure. The province continued to receive increasing federal support, with Balochistan’s share rising to Rs.35 billion in 2017-18, yet corruption and mismanagement remained unchecked. Development projects that could have transformed the province were either halted or misused as financial schemes to benefit political elites. Government funds meant for education were embezzled, leading to thousands of ghost schools where teachers were paid salaries despite never showing up. Health funds were similarly mismanaged, leaving hospitals underfunded while provincial leaders spent lavishly on personal expenditures.

By 2018, the Balochistan Awami Party (BAP) was formed, promising an end to corruption and mismanagement, but it quickly became evident that it was merely another vehicle for maintaining the status quo. Under the leadership of Jam Kamal Khan Alyani and later Mir Abdul Quddus Bizenjo, the same cycle of corruption continued. Despite receiving over Rs.50.5 billion in 2020-21 and Rs.55 billion in 2022-23, the province remained in a dire state. Gwadar, despite being a centerpiece of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), suffered from severe water shortages and power crises. The local population, which should have benefited from the mega-projects, remained jobless while land mafias and political elites profited from real estate dealings tied to CPEC investments. Infrastructure projects in the region were marred by delays and mismanagement, with billions lost to financial misappropriation.

While development projects across the country were progressing, Balochistan continued to lag behind, not because of a lack of federal attention, but because its own leaders consistently failed to deliver. Instead of using the allocated funds for the people’s benefit, those in power ensured that the money was used for their personal gain. The province’s poor literacy rate, lack of industrialization, and inadequate healthcare services were not the result of federal neglect but the direct consequence of corrupt and incompetent leadership at the provincial level.

Even as the 2024 elections brought Sarfraz Bugti into power, the fundamental issues remained unchanged. The formation of a coalition government, with representatives from various feudal and political factions, signaled that the same forces that had ruled Balochistan for decades would continue to dictate its future. Despite new budget allocations and continued federal investment, the people of Balochistan remain deprived of basic services, while the ruling class continues to manipulate the narrative, blaming others for their failures.

Balochistan’s underdevelopment is not due to a lack of resources or external interference but rather the deliberate actions of those who have controlled it for decades. The Sardars who have ruled the province have ensured that the system remains dysfunctional, allowing them to maintain their influence while keeping the people dependent on their tribal loyalties. They have received every opportunity to bring progress, but instead, they have exploited their political positions for personal enrichment, all while misleading the people with false claims of victimization.

The real question that must be asked is how much longer the people of Balochistan will allow this exploitation to continue. Federal funds and investment projects have been provided, but as long as the same corrupt political elite remains in power, real development will never reach the common man. Balochistan does not need more funds—it needs accountability. Only by removing the feudal stronghold and ensuring that governance is based on merit rather than tribal politics can the province finally break free from its cycle of underdevelopment and deception.